The following consists of the entire text of an appendix in Kevin Coogan's book "Dreamer of the Day: Francis Parker Yockey and the Postwar Fascist International".

## Appendix G: The Whites and the Reds

In the 1950s NATINFORM fiercely attacked the CIA for being dominated by Wall Street Jews and penetrated by Soviet intelligence. NATINFORM was particularly upset by CIA support for a Russian exile organization called Narodno-Tyudovoy Soyuz Rossiyskikh Solidaristov (the Popular Liberation Alliance of Russian Solidarists), better known as NTS. During World War II, NTS closely collaborated with German intelligence in the war in the East. NATINFORM, however, claimed that NTS was really a Soviet-controlled deception operation.

NTS was formed in 1930 by "second generation" White Russian émigrés primarily living in Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. Adopting a "solidarist" or corporatist worldview, it looked for ideological inspiration in its early years to Mussolini's Italy. During World War II, however, NTS collaborated most closely with the Nazis. A key connection to NTS was Dr. George Leibbrandt, who was a leading member of Alfred Rosenberg's Ostministerium (East Ministry). After Berlin decided to invade the USSR, Leibbrandt opened negotiations with NTS. The group agreed to collaborate despite the fact that the Ostministerium wanted to dismantle Great Russia and create a number of German-dominated satrapies like an "independent" Ukraine. NTS had previously opposed the balkanization of the Russian Empire, and its 1938 program insisted on the inviolability of Russia's borders. By agreeing to work with Rosenberg, NTS did a 180-degree ideological turn that strongly alienated other White Russians.

Himmler's SS also opposed any semi-autonomous status for areas like the Ukraine. To Himmler, all Slavs were slaves. In September 1942 he explained that the Germans had no interest in educating the Russians. It was sufficient "(1) when the children learn the traffic signs in school so that they do not run into our automobiles, (2) when they learn the multiplication table up to 25 and can count that far, and (3) when they learn to write their own names. Anything more is unnecessary." As for Hitler, when the idea arose of setting up a university to educate "free Ukrainians," he shrieked that "anyone who speaks of tending (to such needs] should be immediately thrown into a concentration camp." The Slavs needed nothing more than "kerchief, glass beads for jewelry, and whatever else colonial people might find appealing."

Influence over German policy toward Russia soon shifted away from Rosenberg to Himmler, Martin Bormann, and Bormann's friend Erich Koch. An honorary SS lieutenant general and Reich commissioner of the Ukraine from 1941 to 1944, Koch's first official act was to close all schools because "Ukraine children need no schools. What they'll have to learn later will be taught them by their German masters." Even as German policies increasingly alienated NTS, the Nazis were becoming fed up with the group. In July 1944 the Gestapo decided to clean house, and arrested the NTS leadership. NTS only avoided complete destruction thanks to the head of the security service of General Vlasov's Russian Army of Liberation (ROA), who felt its loss would be too costly when the war in the East was going so badly.

After World War II, NTS found a new patron in the CIA. The exile group and its journal _Possev_ (Seed) were incorporated into the U.S.-supported Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty complex in Munich. The CIA, British intelligence, and the Gehlen organization (later the BND) tried with mixed success to incorporate groups like NTS and the Ukrainian separatist OUN into the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). This revamped "Anti-Komintern" then became the European wing of the Asian People's Anti-Communist League (APACL), the precursor organization to the World Anti-Communist League (WACL).

In the 1950s a Munich-based White Russian monarchist organization called RONND (the Russian National Socialist Movement) spearheaded NATINFORM's campaign against NTS. NATINFORM said that RONND, which had been founded in Germany in the 1920s, was "fully responsible for unearthing the alleged secret affiliation between the NTS and the Soviet espionage in Moscow," which was publicized in RONND's newspaper, Nabat. During the 1930s RONND aggressively circulated the Okhrana-instigated forgery known as _The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion_. RONND's leader, Eugene H. Derzhavin-Arciuk, worked for German intelligence in World War II. In the 1950s RONND maintained ties to the New European Order through Vsevolod Mositshkin, RONND's liaison to the NEO. When Derzhavin-Arciuk and Mositshkin were sued for slandering the Jewish people, their defense was handled by Rudolf Aschenauer, the publisher of _Die Andrere Seite_. Despite his help, Derzhavin-Arciuk and Mositshkin lost the case and were fined.

In England and America, NATINFORM's case against the NTS was led by Peter J. Huxley-Blythe. In articles for NATINFORM World Survey and in pamphlets like _Betrayal: The Story of Russian Anti-Communism_ and _The Paid Wreckers_, he relentlessly attacked NTS. In both his pamphlets and his book _The East Came West_, he denounced the CIA and the State Department for their involvement with NTS and the "Captive Nations" movement. Huxley-Blythe also allied himself with another NATINFORM-affiliated émigré group, the Russian Revolutionary Force (RRF). The RRF claimed that America "had adopted a policy akin to that of Hitler's; that the United States government is determined to destroy Russia and replace her by small artificial states that could easily be controlled by Washington."

Huxley-Blythe's attacks on NTS appeared in _Task Force_, which was published by a group of ultra-right retired U.S. military officers called the Defenders of the American Constitution (DAC). His essay in the August-September 1956 _Task Force_ was described by its editors as "one of the most important articles" ever published by the journal. The DAC was headed by retired Marine Corps General Pedro Del Valle; its board of directors included Colonel Eugene Pomeroy, General Bonner Fellers, and Claire Chennault. Its British cousin, the League of Empire Loyalists (LEL), was founded around the same time.

The LEL's creator, Arthur Keith Chesterton, was born in England in 1899 and raised in South Africa. After breaking with Oswald Mosley in 1939, he fought for England in World War II. After the war he maintained a semi-respectable position with elements inside the Tory Party. Lord Beaverbrook even made Chesterton his personal journalist and occasional features writer for the Daily Express group. Chesterton, however, abandoned the Daily Express to found the LEL in October 1954. During this same period he developed ties to Otto Strasser, whom he met in Ireland and Austria in the mid-1950s.

The LEL's views were outlined in its publication _Candour_ and in Chesterton's book _The New Unhappy Lords_. Chesterton attacked Anglo-American think tanks like the Royal Institute for International Affairs (RIAA), the Ford Foundation, the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), the Bilderberger Group, Lazard Frères bank, and other blue-chip bastions as co-collaborators in a Jewish-One Worldist plot to strip England of its colonies. The LEL never tired in its opposition to the financial domination of England by Wall Street as well as Washington's military control of England through the "one-worldist" NATO. Similar "new world order" fears led the DAC to oppose NATO.

But if groups like the NTS were hopeless, were there any Russian movements worthy of far-right support? NATINFORM argued that the Russian resistance was best represented by men like General Arthur Smyslovsky-Holmston, the head of an obscure Buenos Aires-based group called the Suvorov Union. During the war, Holmston led some 30, men in the First Russian National Liberation Army, which fought a fierce war behind Red Army lines. He then spent three years in an internment camp in Liechtenstein before taking 200 of his men to Argentina, where they formed the Suvorov Union. While in Argentina, he wrote for _Der Weg_. The Suvorov Union and its paper Suvorovets received financial support from Perôn. Another Buenos Aires-based ally was Johann von Leers.

NATINFORM also endorsed the Russian Revolutionary Forces (RRF). The RRF's political leader, a London-based émigré named George Knupffer, served as tutor to "H.I.H." the Grand Duke Vladimir, the son of the Grand Duke Kirill (Cyrill), one of the leading pretenders to the Romanov throne. A professional conspirator, Knupffer was born in St. Petersburg. His father, a member of the elite Naval Guard, fought for the Whites during the Russian Civil War. His Naval Guard commander was the Grand Duke Kirill. While in exile in London, George Knupffer became heavily involved in royalist intrigue as chairman of the Russian Supreme Monarchist Council.

Knupffer's closest British ally was Chesterton's LEL, and he used the pages of Candour to attack the CIA and NTS. Knupffer argued that the Russian Revolution was a plot financed by a cabal of New York-based Jewish bankers. Stalin, however, had ended the reign of the Jews. In revenge, the Wall Street Jews who dominated the CIA had decided to balkanize Russia until it accepted a modified form of U.N.-type "one-worldist" rule. Knupffer became a mentor of sorts to Peter J. Huxley-Blythe, and through him Huxley-Blythe was initiated into the RRF. Under its Imperial Double Eagle standard, the RRF vowed: "For Faith, Tsar, and Fatherland" and against "Atheists, Communists, Separatists, NTS, Solidarists, and the dark forces behind them!" Using mimeographed journals like Huxley-Blythe's _The Free Russia_ and propaganda produced by Knupffer's British-Free Russian Information Service, the RRF established an English-language outlet. Although Knupffer was the RRF's political leader, the group's top organizer was an Athens-based Russian exile named Nicholas Valerius Sheikin. Born in 1909, Sheikin was a Don Cossack whose father was killed during a 1919 Cossack revolt. After his mother died of starvation in 1922, he escaped to the Middle East and became an intransigent anti-Bolshevik conspirator. While working for the Nazis in World War II as a member of the Greek Gestapo (the GFP), he regularly supplied British intelligence with information. During the Cold War, Sheikin created his own anti-Soviet network throughout the Balkans. He also became an avowed enemy of the CIA, and claimed that the Agency had secretly backed a Macedonian separatist movement to divide Greece.

The RRF operation was featured in a 10 December 1952 San Francisco News story under the headline "Russ Exiles' Plot Hangs a Red Editor: Revolutionary Leaflets Were Slipped Into Paper, Dooming Communist." A "former Red Army officer now the director of the Balkan-Middle Eastern division of the RRF" said that the group had secretly inserted over 5,000 anti-Communist leaflets inside the pages of issues of Rude Pravo, which were mailed to subscribers inside the Soviet Union. Once the RRF's "Prague unit" learned that anyone connected with Rude Pravo had come under Soviet suspicion as the Prague trials were being prepared, it began sending Simone "strange letters, some obviously in code, others congratulating him on the success of the handbill distribution, still others hinting at future dark deeds." He later received a number of "curious, cryptic telephone calls." All this was done with the knowledge that the letters and calls would be intercepted by the Soviet secret police.

Like a series of matryoshka dolls, inside the elusive RRF there existed an even more mysterious organization called Young Russia (Miadorossy), which had about 2,000 members in the 1930s. Both Knupffer and Sheikin were leading members; the RRF also seems to have been composed of elements of the Young Russia underground reconstituted after World War H. Young Russia emerged out of a Munichbased émigré student group called Soiuz "Molodaia Rossia" (Union of Young Russia). In 1923 Alexander Kazem-Bek became its supreme leader. He transformed it into a neo-monarchist political grouping that was fanatical in its hatred of freemasonry, modernism in art, and liberal or democratic trends in the exile community.

Young Russia, however, supported the 1917 Revolution to the extent it was a national revolution that had purged Russia of foreign (Jewish) contamination. It even gave critical support to Stalin's purge of the "Jewish" Trotskyist Left Opposition. To Kazem-Bek, Stalin was a transitional figure between Jewish-inspired Marxist Bolshevism and a coming Russian nationalist revival that would culminate in a new "popular" national monarch. Mussolini's relationship with the House of Savoy provided a practical model for a future Russia led by a fascist strongman (Kazem-Bek) in an alliance with a restored monarchy. As for the monarch, Young Russia endorsed the Grand Duke Kirill (1876-1936), first cousin to Nicholas I, who proclaimed himself Czar in August 1922. Kirill said he supported a new Volksmonarchie, and in an article for Young Russia's newspaper _Mladorosskaia Iskra_ he endorsed an "alliance of the Tsar and Soviets" under a "socialist" "working" monarchy that would unite the white race and prevent the restoration of Jewish rule in Russia.

Of all the claimants to the Romanov throne, the Grand Duke Kirill maintained the most intimate relations with the Nazi Party. His liaison to both the NSDAP and Kazem-Bek was his chief aide-de-camp General Vasily Biskupsky, a friend of General Ludendorff, who led the most anti-Semitic wing of the exiled White Russians. Biskupsky may also have channelled money from Kirill to the German far right in the early 1920s. In 1939 he told one Nazi bureaucrat that the Grand Duke Kirill had given General Ludendorff "a sum of nearly half a million gold marks in 1922-1923 for German-Russian national matters," which Biskupsky now wanted repaid. The money was linked to a reported "Russian-German treaty of 1923" between Kirill's forces and Ludendorff. Relations between the Nazis and Kirill began to deteriorate in the mid-1920s over the issue of Great Russia, when Biskupsky tried without success to turn the Estonia-born Alfred Rosenberg against Ukrainian separatism. The Gestapo actually jailed Biskupsky from June to September 1933, although two years later the Nazis made him the head of Russian emigration in Germany.

In the 1930s Young Russia critically supported the new "Caesar," Joseph Stalin. Kazem-Bek inverted Trotsky's attack on Stalin as a "Bonapartist" and argued that a Bonapartist strong man was just what Russia needed. He openly appealed to the Russian military to finish the job begun by Stalin and make Russia's national revolution complete. Although Kazem-Bek delighted in the downfall of both Bukharin and Trotsky, he was horrified by Stalin's purge of the Red Army that resulted in the deaths of thousands of Soviet military officers. The purge ended Kazem-Bek's soft line towards Stalin. During the war, elements of Young Russia reportedly fought with the French Resistance. In 1940 Kazem-Bek also fled France for America. The strangest twist to the story of Young Russia, however, came in 1956, when Kazem-Bek voluntarily returned to the Soviet Union. He then became secretary to the Moscow Patriarch and a regular contributor to the journal Zhurnal Moskovskoi Patriarkhii. He died in Russia in 1977 at age 75.

Other elements of the Grand Duke Kirill's political network, however, continued to be active in the West. In the U.S. they operated through a mysterious group known as the Sovereign Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, Knights of Malta. The Knight's Grand Chancellor, "Colonel" Charles Thourot Pichel, lived in the small town of Shickshinny, Pennsylvania. He claimed that his group, and not the wealthy Vatican-backed Sovereign Military Order of Malta (SMOM), was the legitimate heir to a chivalric order that had its origin in the early Middle Ages. Before examining the Grand Duke Kirill's ties to Pichel, it is first necessary to describe the Shickshinny Knights' background, membership, and presence inside the U.S. far right. The group claimed descent from the Order of St. John of Jerusalem (also known as the Knights Hospitaler), which was founded in 1050 a.d. by a group of wealthy Italian laymen to aid pilgrims visiting the Holy Land. During the Crusades the Knights Hospitaler, like the Knights Templar, transformed itself into a military order of "warrior monks" to combat Islam. After being driven out of both the Holy Land and Rhodes, the Knights settled in Malta. There they built a formidable fortress-like headquarters and waged war against the Turks, while maintaining their identity as an independent transnational state comprised of separate national priories ruled by a Grand Council and presided over by a Grand Master.

In 1789 the Knights' Grand Master surrendered the group's Malta fortress to Napoleon. A year earlier Catherine the Great's son, Czar Paul I of Russia, had made it known that he wanted to become the Knights' Grand Protector. Paul, dubbed the "mad Czar" by his critics, thought that sponsorship of the Knights might help him lead a reconciliation between the Roman and Eastern Orthodox wings of the Catholic Church. Some Knights went to Russia and were given lavish financial support from Paul, whom they elected the Order's new Grand Master on 27 October 1798. After Paul I's death in 1801, his son Czar Alexander I confiscated the Order's properties. As even Pichel admits, from 1803 to 1890 the Russian Knights "remained more or less dormant."

Scattered remnants of the Knights and their descendants in Germany, Russia, France, and other nations began looking to America as a place of refuge in the mid-1800s. William Lamb, a Norfolk, Virginia, businessman and former colonel in the Confederate army, encouraged the Russian Knights, now an independent chivalric order, to come to America. From 1890 to 1929 the Knights allegedly held their meetings in the Waldorf-Astoria. Pichel joined the group sometime in the 1920s. In the 1950s the Knights developed close ties to the Defenders of the American Constitution, and some DAC leaders became members of the "Military Affairs Committee" of Pichel's Knights. General Pedro Del Valle was a member of both the Supreme Court of the Knights and its Military Affairs Committee. Other members of the Military Affairs Committee included Gen. Lemuel C. Sheppard, Lieutenant General George E. Stratemeyer, Major General Charles A. Willoughby, Brigadier General Bonner Fellers, Admiral Charles M. Cooke, and seven retired U.S. Navy rear admirals. The Order's "Honorary Grand Admiral" was Admiral Sir Barry Domville, the Nazi sympathizer and former head of British Naval Intelligence who had been interned during World War II under Regulation 18B. Both Willoughby and Del Valle had been close allies of General Douglas MacArthur. In order to overcome the MacArthur network's opposition to CIA activity in Asia, CIA Director Walter Bedell Smith once tried to interest Del Valle in heading up a CIA office in Tokyo, but without success.

Pichel's Knights and Del Valle's DAC had ties to George Deatherage, an old Defenders "comrade in arms" whose involvement in the far right went back to the 1930s. Deatherage was financed by a wealthy Knight of Malta named Tyler Kent. Kent had been a file clerk at the American embassy in London, he spent World War II in a British jail for passing information from U.S. diplomatic cables to a pro-Axis spy ring. After the war he married Clara Hyatt, heiress to the Carter's Little Liver Pills fortune. The Kents moved to Florida, where Tyler lived in luxury while squandering his wife's fortune on far-right causes. One of his closest friends was Deatherage, who ran a KKK-like group called the Knights of the White Camellia. Kent gave him an estate for life in Satsuma, Florida.

Deatherage had some interesting ideas about Russia. He contributed an article to the 1 May 1960 issue of _Common Sense_ entitled "Anti-Semitism in Soviet Russia," which argued that the Jews no longer held any power there. Yet it was Kent's suspected ties to Russia that most fascinated U.S. and British intelligence. For reasons that remain unclear, the British suspected that Kent was a Soviet spy who had been recruited while working at the American embassy in Moscow in the mid-1930s. The FBI repeatedly investigated Kent in the 1950s for possible Soviet connections, without success. As late as 1970, the State Department was still concerned about Kent's supposed Soviet ties.

In 1959, Kent bought a local Florida paper called the _Putnam County Weekly Sun_, which he filled with right-wing and anti-Jewish articles. After the election of John F. Kennedy, he went ballistic and issued "special bulletins" like:

> KENNEDY PROCLAIMED FIRST COMMUNIST PRESIDENT OF AMERICA, (And, Friend, Don't You Smile.) BEAST KENNEDY IS GUILTY OF SEDITION AND GIVING AID AND COMFORT TO THE ENEMY WHICH IS COMMUNISM. THE KENNEDY DEMOCRATIC PARTY IS NOW THE SUBVERSIVE PARTY. A CESSPOOL OF MINORITY-TERMITES WHO SEEK TO DESTROY THE POLITICAL POWER OF THE ANGLO-SAXON WHITE PROTESTANT!

All this time, Kent was a Knight Commander of Justice in Pichel's Knights. Pichel's Order also included Eugene Tabbutt, who in 1958 was listed as the group's "Chief Security Officer." In 1965 he became the Knights' "Security General." He also served as the Imperial Director of the Klan Bureau of Investigation (KBI), the KKK's "counterintelligence" unit. The Knights also had strong ties to elements inside both U.S. military intelligence and the CIA. The most prominent Knight in this regard was the Heidelberg-born Major General Charles Willoughby (who legally changed his name from Adolf Tscheppe-Weidenbach). The former head of General MacArthur's intelligence staff in World War II, Willoughby joined the Knights in the early 1960s and in 1963 served as the Order's Security General. He also ran his own International Committee for the Defense of Christian Culture.

Another Knight with intelligence ties was Colonel Philip J. Corso, a 20-year Army Intelligence operative who retired in August 1963. He seems to have spent some of his time in the military working in an Operation Gladio-type operation in Germany in the 1950s. Shortly after Kennedy was assassinated, Corso, then in the employ of Senator Strom Thurmond, began telling his friends in Congress that sources inside the CIA told him that Lee Harvey Oswald had been an FBI informant.

Retired CIA official Herman Kimsey (who was listed as the group's "Associate Chief of International Intelligence" in 1970) was another intriguing Knight. Although Kimsey has been described as a former Chief of Research and Analysis for the CIA, his actual position inside the Agency remains unclear. Whatever he was up to, foreign heads of state showed up at his Washington funeral. Kimsey championed the cause of a Knight named Michel Goleniewski. Goleniewski was a Polish intelligence officer who defected to the West in January 1961. One of the CIA's most important assets, he is credited with exposing top Soviet agents like Gordon Lonsdale (a Soviet "deep cover" agent whose real name was Conon Trofimovich Molody); George Blake, a high-ranking member of British intelligence's MI6; and Heinz Felfe, one of Reinhard Gehlen's lieutenants inside the BND.

Golcniewski believed that the CIA had been heavily penetrated by Soviet intelligence. He was so worried that he initially attempted to contact J. Edgar Hoover so that his defection could be handled by the FBI and not the CIA. After he was safely in the United States, Goleniewski began claiming that he was really Aleksei Nicholaevich Romanov, son of Czar Nicholas II and rightful heir to the Imperial Throne. He also accused Henry Kissinger of working for the KGB. His supporters claim that in 1961 he told the CIA that the Soviets had recruited Kissinger under the code name "Bor" in 1946, when Kissinger was working for U.S. military intelligence in Oberammergau, Germany. Herman Kimsey and Cleve Backster, a lie-detector expert and the Knights' "Chief Interrogation Officer," took out ads to support Goleniewski. The attack on Kissinger was endorsed by another Knight, Frank Capell. Capell, a devout Catholic best known in far-right circles for his publication _The Herald of Freedom_, later broke with Pichel in a factional split inside the Knights.

To understand the presence of the Grand Duke Kirill's network in the Knights, we must examine the group's leader, Charles T. Pichel. Pichel's interest in chivalric orders went back at least to 1924, when he helped establish the American Heraldry Society in New York City. By the early 1930s, he was active in the far right. On 15 July 1933 he wrote to a prominent Nazi named Ernst Hanfstaengl offering his services as a liaison between the American right and Hitler. In the late 1930s he became involved in a nebulous Axis propaganda ring called "The Order of the Blue Lamoo." Pichel's ties to the Blue Lamoo surfaced in a 1939 report by a New York detective named Boris Casimir Palmer (Pilenas). A former World War I military intelligence agent, Palmer ran his own detective agency out of an office located at 170 Broadway. On 27 January 1939 he sent a letter to the Non-Sectarian Anti-Nazi League (NSANL) under the title "Subject Japanese espionage." In it, he discussed Pichel's involvement with Boris Brasol, a leading White Russian anti-Semite, intelligence operative, criminologist, literary figure, and founder of the Union of Czarist Army and Navy Officers. Brasol was said to have been a representative of a Nazi propaganda organization called the Fichte Bund, and was close to the Cossack General Grigori Semionov, who was financed by Japan.

Palmer told the NSANL that a Franciscan priest, Father Peter Baptiste Duffee, claimed that Brasol also belonged to "a Nazi propaganda organization known as the Blue Lammoo (sic). At the head of the group is Charles T. Pichel, an ex-con." Pichel, then living in Leonia, New Jersey, was said to be working "for a member of the IRA who is in the employ of the Japanese Commercial Attaché in Washington." Duffee identified the IRA man as Vincent Walsh. Walsh, who later worked with the Japanese consulate in New York, was tied to Pichel, who was "said to be an Englishman, alleged drug smuggler, and Nazi spy." Duffee also reported on another Blue Lamoo'er close to Pichel, a "Count Tcherep-Spiridovich."

How well informed was Father Duffee? In his book _American Swastika_, Charles Higham reports that the priest served as Father Coughlin's liaison to Boris Brasol. Duffee was also right about the Blue Lamoo. According to the anti-fascist Friends of Democracy group, the Ancient and Noble Order of the Blue Lamoo was a White Russian fascist organization one of whose members was the "Count V. Cherep-Spiridovich." The "Count" was born Howard Victor von Boenstrupp. A former patent lawyer, Boenstrupp was also known as "the Duke of St. Saba," "Colonel Bennett," and "J. G. Francis." A close associate of Silver Shirt leader William Dudley Pelley, he was indicted along with Pelley on sedition charges on 21 July 1942. Nor was this his first encounter with the law. In 1933, when he was just plain Howard, he was charged with grand larceny for allegedly stealing a valuable book and other crimes. During the House Committee on Un-American Activities questioning of Fritz Kuhn, Cherep-Spiridovich's name came up in connection with two publications, Intelligence and American Tribunal. He was also linked to "the Order of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem."

Boenstrupp said he got his title after being legally adopted by a real White Russian count, Major General A. Cherep-Spiridovich, who died a suicide. A friend of Boris Brasol, the count lived in America after World War I and headed the Anglo-Latino-Slav League. He was also involved in the Anti-Bolshevik Publishers Association, which published The Gentiles' Review. Cherep-Spiridovich was the author of a near-psychotic 1926 tract called _The Secret World Government or the Hidden Hand_, and was intimately involved in promoting _The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion_ in the United States.

Starting in June 1922, the well-known journalist Norman Hapgood ran a series of exposés in Hearst's International entitled "The Inside Story of Henry Ford's Jew Mania." In it, Cherep-Spiridovich and Brasol were identified as two of the most influential figures behind Ford. According to Hapgood, Cherep-Spiridovich at one point lived in Detroit and worked for Ford. He also identified another Russian friend of Brasol's involved with the Protocols, a former diplomat and Hereditary Knight Commander in Pichel's order named Boris Bakhmeteff.

As for Brasol, his ties to Ford evolved out of his earlier connection to American military intelligence. One of his ex-military intelligence cronies was C. C. Daniels, the head of the Ford Detective Agency in New York and the brother of Secretary of the Navy Josephus Daniels. Dr. Harris Houghton, C. C. Daniels' family physician and the New York head of Army Intelligence, was also close to Brasol. After World War I, Houghton created the Beckwith Company to publish tracts like the Protocols.

Casimir Palmer, who worked for the Military Intelligence Division in Washington during World War I, also knew Brasol. In a signed affidavit dated 2 April 1937, he said he had first met Brasol in April 1918 when the Russian was working for the War Trade Board in New York City. After telling Palmer that the downfall of the Russian monarchy had been part of a Jewish conspiracy, Brasol "mentioned something about there being in existence some sort of secret document known as the Protocols of Zion." They next met on 29 June 1918 at Brasol's apartment on West 84th Street. Again Brasol claimed that Jewish bankers like the Warburgs were behind the Bolshevik Revolution, information that Palmer relayed "to my superior, Captain Carleton J. H. Hayes, now Professor of History at Columbia University." Palmer then reported that a copy of the Protocols manuscript was sent to a Congressional Committee by "a very close friend of Henry Ford, a Dr. H. A. Houghton." When Palmer met Brasol for a third time, Brasol gave him a copy of the Protocols, which he had gotten translated into English. Brasol spread the Protocols in league with the Grand Duke Kirill. Kirill and his chief aide-de-camp General Vasily Biskupsky appear to have received financial support from Henry Ford, with Brasol serving as their intermediary. According to Robert C. Williams' book Culture in Exile, Kirill's wife Viktoria managed "to obtain funds for the movement from the United States." In their book Who Financed Hitler, James and Suzanne Pool state that Brasol was Kirill's American representative at the time. They report that Brasol sent money from Ford to the Grand Duke and Duchess, who in turn gave it to Ludendorff to support the Bavarian far right, including Hitler. If this information is correct, it might explain the Nazi refusal to give Biskupsky the money he claimed was due him, since the funds hadn't originated with Grand Duke Kirill in the first place.

Grand Duke Kirill had another supporter on the American far right: Charles Pichel. Pichel reports that on 13 January 1934, "the late Grand Duke Kirill, acting officially as Kirill Wladimirovich (Kirill I)" from his place of exile in Saint Briac, France, confirmed the legitimacy of Pichel's Order. Two years later, in a proclamation dated 24 November 1936, he conferred upon Pichel "the Order of St. Andrew the Apostle, First Class in Gold" for his "zeal in defending and helping to perpetuate the noble history of Imperial Russia and the Imperial Families of Russia." Kirill's order was "signed by the President of the Committee of Imperial Orders and the Delegate of the Emperor in the United States," presumably Brasol.

Brasol also backed Kirill's son and successor, the Grand Duke Vladimir, whose tutor was the RRF's George Knuppfer. In March 1952, the English-language magazine _Russia_, published by N. P. Rybakoff (also the publisher and editor of _Rossiya_, and a member of Brasol's network since the 1920s), ran an essay by H.I.H. the Grand Duke Vladimir (the official patron of the Russian Revolutionary Forces) entitled "An Appeal to the Free World." In a 15 September 1958 article for the ultra-right _Common Sense_, Brasol backed the Grand Duke Vladimir's claim to the throne. Russia also published articles by Brasol. Russia's NATINFORM connection was made clear when it ran a commentary from Peter Huxley-Blythe's _NATINFORM World Survey_ attacking U.S. aid to Tito in its February 1958 issue.

It seems clear that Pichel played a role in the Grand Duke Kirill's network inside the United States. Kirill's organization opposed CIA support for the "captive nations" inside the Soviet empire. In that sense, the Kirill network's polemics against both NTS and the CIA were a continuation of a debate begun in the 1920s, when General Biskupsky unsuccessfully tried to convince Alfred Rosenberg to oppose the balkanization of "Mother Russia."